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More information about this seller Contact this seller 9. More information about this seller Contact this seller Published by Finis Mundi Press About this Item: Finis Mundi Press, Never used! This item is printed on demand. Language: English. Benito Mussolini - is the living image of Fascism and one of the most well known historical figures ever, the antonomasia of a Dictator: nevertheless few are the ones aware that early in the 20th century he was the coming man of the Italian Revolutionary Socialism, headed to represent the Socialist Party, in which everyone had high hopes for the overthrowing of the so-called "bourgeois system," when Socialism was still revolutionary and hostile to Capitalism.
Lenin said of him: "in Italy, comrades, in Italy there is only a Socialist capable of guiding the people towards the revolution, Benito Mussolini," soon after the Duce would lead a revolution, but a Fascist one. So, why did he become a Fascist after wall? Has he really betrayed Socialism as his critics accused him of doing? Or was Fascism the genial and natural outcome of a Socialist's evolution, of a charismatic mass leader, towards the real revolution?
In "Revolutionary Fascism" Erik Norling, author of "Blood in the Snow: The Russo-Finnish War" Shelf Books, , acquaints us not only with the Revolutionary and Socialist roots of primeval Fascism but also describes the Italian Social Republic period, at the end of the war, when these values reemerged in its utmost purity. Revolutionary Fascism. Satisfaction Guaranteed! Book is in Used-Good condition. Pages and cover are clean and intact.
This process of institutionalization of democracy in Portugal was also accompanied by an effort to reconcile Portuguese society, creating an environment that allowed the absence of condemnation and an amnesty for those, both from the political right and left wings, who had engaged in armed violence Camacho These aspects were, then, the foundation for the reconfiguration of memorialist discourses and of memory politics, creating political narratives which deliberately devalued the memory of the anti-fascist resistance and of the April Revolution, and which rewrote the more recent history in an objective process of historical revisionism Rosas Thus, in Portugal, from the late s to the early s, there was a clear devaluation of the memory of resistance to the dictatorship, both regarding its peaceful and violent components.
This coincided with the country being governed by the right-wing from until These years were marked by a serious economic and social crisis, which was blamed, by the political and economic elites, on the revolutionary process. Moreover, the political project of Cavaco Silva, prime minister of Portugal between and , neoconservative and economically neoliberal, required the rejection of the Portuguese Revolution as a historical experience.
At this point, such a process came to be seen as responsible for almost causing a civil war and tended to be described with adjectives in the semantic field of madness and disease Loff , p. However, it also served to underline the fact that it was a process that only the moderate forces which led the 25 November managed to stop. All these efforts, once again, implied a negative memory of the April Revolution and of the revolutionary process. In this vein, the rhetoric of the pacification of the Portuguese society and of the reconciliation with the past blocked and inhibited any debate on revolutionary violence, anti-fascist resistance, Estado Novo or April Revolution.
Despite having taken on such specificities in Portugal, the historical revisionism phenomenon is in some way underpinned by its emergence in most Western European countries, accompanied by the political rise of right-wing parties, as well as neoliberal and neoconservative political, economic and social values throughout the s and s, in the context of the crisis of Marxism and of the Left. However, it became a social phenomenon in the s, coinciding with the deepest crisis of the left which followed the implosion of the Soviet bloc Soutelo b , p. In this context, Fernando Rosas considers that the legitimising ideological paradigm of most post-war Western societies undergoes an unprecedented subversive pressure with the advent of Thatcherism and of Reaganism and the overthrow of the Soviet world, designed to legitimize the establishment of a new neoconservative and capitalist course Rosas , p.
Additionally, Pier Paolo Poggio argues that in the post world, anti-communism was the link among the various historical revisionisms and the liberal and conservative political forces it represents Poggio , p. The first current perceives the April Revolution as a historical breakdown, objectively whitewashing the previous regime. The second current, politically steeped in the triumphant regime brought by the 25 November counter-revolution, privileges the historical reading which recognises the role of the winning political and military forces.
It underestimates the role of other readings which seek to highlight the role of social movements and the role of political violence in the transition process. This is an elitist, partial historical reading that implies the implicit or explicit condemnation of the political organisations of the radical left. In this sense, the reading of the political violence which took place during the dictatorship, in the April Revolution and as a consequence of it, is done from a negative and prejudiced perspective. The historical revisionism which marked the Portuguese society in the twenty years after the April Revolution was also strongly supported by the fact that the main archives for the study of the dictatorship were kept closed for a very long time until This documental obstruction was justified in public discourses by those responsible for the archival politics in the country among them Borges de Macedo, director of the National Archives between and as an attitude of caution, particularly with regard to military archives.
According to such views, it was necessary to exercise extreme caution when accessing contemporary sources, since they could contain personal information regarding numerous figures of Portuguese political and social life, who could be still alive or who could be dead and whose memory would be tarnished Rocha ; Braga This was, in essence, a policy that, according to Fernando Rosas cited in Loff , p.
For the history of the organisations which embarked on armed struggle, the issue of access to archives by researchers still poses another problem: the lack of systematised archives per organisation, circumscribing the documentary territory to the archives kept by the police, the judicial system and individuals. Actually, the majority of the information regarding pre-revolution organisations can be found in the political police archive. Obviously, such documents cannot be ignored, but they equally pose serious difficulties to the researcher due to their nature.
Firstly, most information was obtained coercively and with the use of flagrant violence. Secondly, the police interrogation records are composed of inaccurate, often lacunar, and very partial questions and answers. Thirdly, in their reports, the police commonly omitted or falsified facts or objects of the investigation in order to extract evidence that could support a conviction in court and provide data that could be investigated by other individuals Pimentel ; Cardina Therefore, although this archive is a fundamental source of documentation, it requires more robust questioning and should not be used as standalone information.
In terms of the documentation regarding both counter- and post-revolution organisations, it is mostly dispersed throughout the different courts where the trials were conducted. In addition, on the one hand, such courts do not tend to organise their files, which creates difficulties in finding them, and, on the other hand, researchers often simply see their access requests denied. Finally, a considerable amount of documentation lives in personal archives, access to which depends on the empathy or trusting relationship that can be established with the researcher.
This allows the preservation of the historical memory and provides the possibility of making them accessible to research. These were circumstances that showed a clear depreciation of the military men who contributed to the overthrow of the dictatorship. That we have imagined this whole story? What on earth will be our legacy? It was not the PIDE [political police] who did those.
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For the first time, on its 25th anniversary, the April Revolution was celebrated with enthusiasm by the political establishment. At this point, a stimulus was provided for the publication of autobiographical accounts and memoirs by some of the protagonists of the resistance to the dictatorship.
In their old age, they became aware of the need to fix the autobiographical narrative, since they saw themselves confronted with the proliferation of revisionist discourses, which denied the repressive past.
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Among these publications are the ones cited above which were authored by pre-revolution militants. This might be due to the fact that the LUAR was an organisation with very specific characteristics, distanced from the more traditional forms of party logic and structure. For instance, its one and only ideological stance was being anti-fascist.
In addition, it was the only organisation that did not commit bomb attacks and which always kept its operational base outside the country, both in Paris and Brussels. This was a period of time in which the LUAR developed a remarkable work in conjunction with other social movements Ferreira a. Moreover, it was not until the end of the s when the concept that devalued individual militancy experiences to the detriment of collective effort began to be reconfigured, which ultimately led to a silencing of the memorial discourse of many resistance militants Nogueira Regarding the BR, there is only one very recent half memorialist, half academic piece.
This can be explained by the intense revolutionary activity developed by the Revolutionary Party of the Proletariat PRP , to which the BR was coupled, in the period after the April Revolution. Despite the suspension of armed struggle right after the April Revolution, the BR were reactivated and re-established in August , returning to the commission of armed activities, such as bank robberies, in order to finance the organisation.
The right-wing return to power in influenced the celebrations of the 30th anniversary of the April Revolution since again such governmental elite was bothered by the revolutionary legacy. The slogan of these celebrations — April is Evolution — instead of Revolution , provoked a strong reaction in the media and in the public space. The right-wing strategy of imparting an evolutionary character to the April Revolution, in tune with the idea of transition, was completely torn by the political reaction in defence of the April Revolution as a specifically Portuguese model of building democracy Loff During the difficult years of the recent economic crisis , which mainly affected the middle and low classes, at a time of lack of hope, there was a memory recovery regarding the more radical forms of struggle.
In the face of the apparent ineffectiveness of peaceful demonstrations, the deaf ears of politicians, the discourse of inevitability, and the sense of powerlessness to change the circumstances, there was once again a political narrative linked to the possible need for a violent response to reverse the situation.
However, the recalled violence focused mainly on the pre-revolution period, in which the struggle against the dictatorship and the Colonial War, and the fact that blood crimes were not committed, seem to justify a certain kindness towards political violence. In this sense, the armed activities committed in the whole period of the counter- and post-revolution ended up falling into oblivion.
The country went through a democratisation process and the existence of political violence in democracy became the unspoken facet of the armed struggle history in Portugal. The purpose of this article was to explore the reasons behind the low number of both lay and academic publications regarding the Portuguese history of armed struggle, both before and after the 25 April Revolution. In this sense, we demonstrated how part of the Portuguese historical identity has been manipulated by political and ideological interests and motivations, which influence the collective memory.
Nonetheless, Portuguese public opinion at present is still fairly influenced by revisionist perspectives. Consequently, the stories of those individuals who invested a significant part of their lives fighting violently for their political ideals have still been predominantly ignored and erased from the collective memory. There is, for instance, a clear lack of acknowledgement of their existence and of political armed struggle in general in the history books and school curriculums in Portugal. This is something that the Portuguese historian Rui Bebiano b , p.
Therefore, it is the responsibility of researchers in the social and human sciences to rescue the study of political violence in Portugal and to bring it to the collective memory arena. Her research interests include political violence, with a particular focus on the experiences of former militants and foreign fighters.
She also focuses on critical approaches to terrorism, with a specific interest in narratives, life stories and the dialogical self. Her research interests include political violence, armed struggle, history of political ideologies in the s and s, and dynamics between history and memory. Author A declares that she has no conflict of interest. Author B declares that she has no conflict of interest. This article does not contain any studies with human participants or animals performed by any of the authors. However, it is not our ambition to explore them in this article, due to the limited space at our disposal.
Estado Novo represented the embodiment of power and a strong state organized around a strong figure — Salazar was the answer to the claims of the reactionary factions of the bourgeoisie, of a good part of the Catholic Church, and of some intellectuals during the First Republic for a strong and competent government, which could bring an end to the existing financial, political, social and cultural turmoil Amaro In reality, Estado Novo was originated by one individual who took control of the government and transformed a military dictatorship into a dictatorial regime Nolte, Communist Party and some emergent ones e.
Socialist Party and an inexistent right that was trying to organize itself around figures of the former regime. However, the demonstration was blocked by the MFA and the president sent into exile in Spain. National Center for Biotechnology Information , U. Integr Psychol Behav Sci. Published online Jul Raquel da Silva 1, 2 and Ana Sofia Ferreira 3.
Author information Copyright and License information Disclaimer. Raquel da Silva, Email: ku. Corresponding author. Keywords: Memory, Political violence, Revisionism, Political narratives. Portuguese Armed Organisations in Context The exercise of context reconstruction and exploration is greatly important for the understanding of how and why political violent organisations came into existence in Portugal in different periods of time and in different political and social conditions , and how violence was legitimised by some and demonised by others.
Open in a separate window. Table 1 Portuguese armed organisations in context.
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Second and Third Waves: Revolution and Democracy The revolution of 25 April was the last leftist revolution in Europe, bringing an end to one of the lengthiest dictatorships of the twentieth century Rezola State of the Art In the Portuguese context, themes such as political violence and armed struggle have been very little explored, and the few existent studies have been mainly conducted through historiographic lenses and based on document analysis.
Counter-Revolution Period Literature concerning the right-wing armed organisations which fought in the couple of years that followed the April Revolution is even scarcer. The Post-Dictatorship Memory Politics and Political Narratives in Portugal The debates surrounding the Portuguese armed struggle have been historically undervalued by the social and human sciences in this country. Conclusion The purpose of this article was to explore the reasons behind the low number of both lay and academic publications regarding the Portuguese history of armed struggle, both before and after the 25 April Revolution.
Notes Conflict of Interest Author A declares that she has no conflict of interest. Ethical Approval This article does not contain any studies with human participants or animals performed by any of the authors. Footnotes 1 We acknowledge that some of the matters approached here are also relevant in other dictatorial contexts e. References Amaro R. In: Cruzeiro M, Bebiano R, editors. Accessed 2 June Cabrera, A. Terrorismo em Portugal, a guerra esquecida. Accessed 5 May Cardina M. A luta armada.
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Lisbon: Dom Quixote. Carvalho M. Alfragide: Oficina do Livro; Fascismo, fascismi. Firenze: Sansoni; O terrorismo e as FP 25 anos depois. In: Martins RC, editor. Portugal Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra; Lisboa: Fenda; Ferreira AS. London: Search Press; Porto: Caminhos Romanos; Carnaxide: Editora Objectiva; De Pinochet a Timor Loro Sae.
In: Loff M, Pereira M, editors. Portugal, 30 anos de democracia Porto: Editora da UP; Dictatorship and revolution: socio-political reconstructions of collective memory in post-authoritarian Portugal. As cinzas dum tempo perdido. Das origens ao 25 de Abril Lisboa: Tinta da China; Lisboa: Tinta da China; A extrema-esquerda em Portugal — Os marxistasleninistas e os trotskistas.
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