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Keywords: german, french, english, italian, computer, automotive, software, technology, industry, economics, advertising, interpreter, conference interpreter, simultaneous interpreting, consecutiv interpreting, translater,. Profile last updated Aug 23, Or create a new account. View Ideas submitted by the community. Post Your ideas for ProZ. Vote Promote or demote ideas. View forum View forum without registering on UserVoice. You have native languages that can be verified You can request verification for native languages by completing a simple application that takes only a couple of minutes.
View applications. Close and don't show again Close. Close search. Term search Jobs Translators Clients Forums. All of ProZ. Send email More actions. Feedback from clients and colleagues on Willingness to Work Again. Account type. Data security Created by Evelio Clavel-Rosales. Thus does Clement draw a congruence of sorts between Judaeo-Christian and pagan monotheism and avoid an intellectually difficult emphasis on the multi-personality of the Christian God. In the Stromateis, on the other hand, most of the Old Testament references have less to do with a doctrine of God than with the effective demolition of pagan thought and practice and the promotion of a distinctive Christian ethic eg, knowledge in the Psalms and Proverbs, prayer, praise, and fear leading to faith in the Psalms.
The Stromateis, for its part, argues for the superiority of the Gospel and for the greater true piety of the Gnostic but provides no particular bridge for a potential convert to cross over, consistent with its form as a primarily internal apologetic-didactic and not protreptic form of discourse. For in this work Clement seeks to encourage and enable perfect learning and to instruct the potential teacher. In Clement' s use of Greek literature there are also considerable differences between the two works, differences which are again explicable solely in terms of audience and purpose.
In 27 It is also so with his use of the New Testament where a clear majority of such references in the Protrepticus concern the nature or work of God, while those in the seventh book of the Stromateis deal with the question of the authentic Christian life. The SC C. Much as in the same way as for the use of scripture Clement largely employs texts from the very literary culture of his converts-elect in order to build his bridge from the darkness of superstition, as he sees it, to the bright lights of the promised land.
In Stromateis 7, however, Clement quotes from Homer only 8 times. In all of Clement's extant works considered here the Protrepticus, the Paidagogus, and the Stromateis there are only quotations or allusions to Homer's two works ; thus, from a work that is, the Protrepticus which comprises less than ten per cent of Clement's writing on a volume basis come 24 per cent of the references to Homer.
A study of Clement' s use of Plato in these two works reveals a similar tale to that of his use of the Old Testament. Clement makes significant use of the Athenian philosopher in both the Protrepticus and the seventh book of the Stromateis. In the former there are, at my count, 35 particular references by way of direct quotation or implicit allusion with a primary focus on the Phaedo, the Phaedrus and the Timaeus.
He makes little use, though important, of the Laws and a brief allusion to the Republic. Paris, suggests 49 times and Marcovich, op. Dawson, Allegorical readers and cultural revision in ancient Alexandria. Berkeley, , He makes very little use at all in Book 7 of the Timaeus, perhaps the favourite work of Middle Platonists, early Christian Fathers, and even Clement himself elsewhere see particularly Book 5. But even apart from the use of different works with some overlap of the Platonic corpus in the two works even this use properly reflects the particular concerns of Clement in directing his message to a particular audience and purpose.
In the Protrepticus, where Clement's primary purpose is to both articulate the Christian belief in one God and to demonstrate that this is not inconsistent with the intellectual regime in which his audience lives, his use of Plato and of most of the philosophers tends towards the articulation of this doctrine of God to a pagan audience rather than, for example, that of a particular Christian ethic. Of the 35 references to Plato in the Protrepticus more than a third are related to the doctrine of God30, a few to a Christian ethic31, and the rest to unrelated matters.
In Book 7 of the Stromateis, on the other hand, where Clement is primarily concerned to articulate and promote the notion of the true Gnostic, the mature or perfect believer, to a Christian audience, his use of Plato and others is primarily focused on this, with less than half a dozen of the 65 references directed towards a doctrine of God32, the majority to a Christian Gnostic ethic33, and a 30 For example, at 6.
Who is the King of all? God, who is the measure of the truth of all things', and at 6. Between the two works there are three texts which are common to both : Epistle 2. A different perspective in this work of comparison can also be had by looking at what one might call the frequency of citation ; that is, how often a particular author or work is referred to, either explicitly or implicitly, in a particular work.
This table serves primarily to confirm the trend in the use of other authors by Clement in his progress from the Protrepticus to the Stromateis but it does offer this from a different angle. The use of the Old Testament, in terms of frequency, is similar for both the Protrepticus and the Stromateis while that of the New is not. Clement in the Protrepticus also shows a marked inclination to use Homer more frequently though less often Euripides than he does in the Stromateis, while the preference shown in the latter by Clement for the two major philosophers can be contrasted with the relatively infrequent citation of them in the former.
Table 4 offers yet another perspective, that of the ratio of Clement's use of his two favourite pagan authors, the poet Homer and the philosopher Plato, throughout his writings : Work GCS :pages Protreptikos 84 Paidagogus Stromateis Totals Table 4 : Ratio of the use of Homer to Plato in Clement This table again confirms the picture offered in Tables 2 and 3 but does so from the perspective of showing how Clement shifts in his usage of Homer, relative to Plato, from the Protrepticus to the Stromateis. The shift is quite dramatic and the numbers involved, from a statistical perspective, can be nothing but significant.
What is evident in these figures is that between the time of the Protrepticus, written for potential converts to Christianity familiar with nothing but their own literary and religious traditions, and that of the Stromateis, written primarily for maturing Christians reasonably familiar with the complex nuances of emerging Christian thought, Clement has moved from a focus in the Protrepticus on those non-Christian writings he makes little use of Philo in the earlier work which aid his immediate purpose, particularly the poets who will condemn as-.
The simplicity of the Protrepticus and the new, necessarily simple faith of the converted is abandoned for the complexity of the thought world of the true Gnostic in the Stromateis. None of this, however, should surprise, for in any work seeking conversions from one set of beliefs to another might expect that the agent of conversion-cum-evangelist will employ wisdom from the former as a bridge over which new converts might be encouraged to cross.
Persuasion is after all more effective with honey than a stick! Experience will show that people are more likely to agree to go somewhere new if they can take some of what they have already with them, if their present existence is not utterly devalued. Thus in his use of wonders of the divine scriptures and of the treasures of Greek thought Clement employs both in ways which will aid his immediate purpose and speak particularly to his particular audience, in the Protrepticus to bring the non-believer to belief and in the Stromateis the believer to a deeper faith.
Summary The primarily didactic-apologetic and protreptic purposes of, respectively, the Stromateis and the Protrepticus of Clement of Alexandria are evident in his employment of biblical and pagan writings in each. In the Stromateis Clement employs the New Testament more often than the Old and Plato more than Homer as he writes for a Christian audience familiar with the nuances of emerging Christian thought, with particular attention being given to the similarities between a New Testament and a Platonist ethic.
In the Protrepticus, on the other hand, he generally employs the Old Testament in preference to the New and Homer to Plato as he seeks to encourage a perhaps less sophisticated pagan audience, partly through an identification with its own cultural and intellectual heritage, to convert to the Christian faith, with particular attention being given to a shared belief as Clement chooses to articulate this in the one God. Although there is no extant version of the Gothic Bible book Exodus, there is historical and philological evidence for the existence of a Gothic translation of the Greek Septuagint version of the Old Testament.
I will argue that Visigothic secular law may provide evidence of the existence of a Gothic version of Exodus that was still in use after the Gothic migration to the West.
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This evidence is based on the difference between the Septuagint version and the Hebrew version of Exodus The Septuagint text of Exodus Both versions of Exodus Many thanks are due to Felice Lifshitz and Jan te Lindert for their inspiring comments on an earlier version of this paper, to Wilken Engelbrecht and Niek Zelders for help in translating some of the Latin sources, to the staff of Dousa the manuscripts and rare books reading room at the University of Leyden, to Bertine Bouwman, Liduine Smit-Verheij and Jan Hastrich for tracking down and copying a number of almost inaccessible publications for me and to Jacqueline de Ruiter.
This early medieval Germanic abortion law is innovative, because late Roman law does not punish abortion and early medieval Church law condemns abortion as homicide without any regard for the stage of development of the aborted fetus. In this paper I will also try to answer the question why the Visigothic kings issued abortion law that was fundamentally different from Roman law and early medieval conciliar law. There are seven articles on abortion in the early medieval Leges Visigothorum LV. The standard edition is Karl Zeumer Hrsg.
Karin E. Cambridge MA, ; John T. Noonan ed. Leges Visigothorum 6. Si ingenuus ingenuam abortare fecerit. Si quis mulierem gravidam percusserit quocumque hictu aut per aliquam occasionem mulierem ingenuam abortare fecerit, et exinde mortua fuerit, pro homicidio puniatur. Si autem tantumodo partus excutiatur, et mulier in nullo debilitata fuerit, et ingenuus ingenue hoc intulisse cognoscitur, si formatum infantem extincxit, CL solidos reddat ; si vero informem, C solidos pro facto restituat.
Old law. If a free man causes a free woman to abort. If anyone strikes a pregnant woman by any blow whatever or through any circumstance causes a free woman to abort, and from this she dies, let him be punished for homicide. If, however, only the partus is expelled, and the woman is in no way debilitated, and a free man is recognized as having inflicted this to a free woman, if he has killed a formed fetus, let him pay solidi ; if it is actually an unformed fetus, let him pay solidi in restitution for the deed. If we take a closer look at the Visigothic secular law on.
On the link between Aristotle's biology esp. Historia Animalium 9 7. Dissertation, University of Utrecht, s. Septuagint Ex. If two men fight and strike a woman who is pregnant, and her child comes out while not formed, he will be forced to pay a fine ; according as the woman's husband lays upon [him] he shall give according to that which is thought fit. But if it is formed, he will give life for life.
But what is the connection between the Septuagint version of Exodus Why was a biblical law on abortion inserted into a secular Germanic law code? And how did it get there? Possible answers to these questions involve a rather lengthy digression on the Old Testament in the fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries in order to establish what versions of the Bible were known in the early medieval West, and, more especially, whether the Gothic translation of Exodus was based on the Hebrew version or on the Septuagint version.
On the differences between the two versions of Exodus Dunstan and Mary J. Seller London, , pp. The difference between the Hebrew version and the Septuagint version of Exodus See also : S. Union, NJ, , p. Hebrew Ex. In the following centuries a number of revisions of the Septuagint and several therefore, as not having individual existence See, for instance : Connery, Abortion, pp.
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Contra : Riddle, Eve's Herbs, pp. Colson, 10 vols. See also : Huser, The Crime of Abortion, pp. The first versions of Old Latin Bible probably originated in the Latin-speaking parts of North Africa in the second century ; these translations are collectively called Vetus Latina VL. It will be obvious that by the fourth century A.
On the history of the Bible, see : Francis C. Richard R. Ottley New York, ; first ed. Heidelberg, ; first ed. Ackroyd and C. Evans eds. Lampe ed. Augustine, who was familiar with Jerome's translations and even quoted from the latter's translation of the Gospels, did not acknowledge the Vulgate Old Testament and continued to use the Septuagint-based Vetus Latina. Like Augustine, Origen, the author of the Hexapla, was aware of the textual discrepancies between the Septuagint and the Massoretic Text.
Augustine probably remained faithful to the Septuagint because it had been preferred over the Hebrew by the early Church. Thomas J. This is also supported by external evidence. William H. Bennett, An Introduction to the Gothic Language, 4th ed. Genesis wird durch sie nicht ausreichend erwiesen'' p. In the course of the fourth and fifth centuries groups of Gothic tribes, Visigoths and Ostrogoths as they are traditionally called, migrated from the vicinity of the Black Sea to the western half of the Roman Empire. The Ostrogoths were officially invited to northern Italy in by the Eastern Emperor, but there must have already been Gothic settlements in Italy before then.
Thus both the Visigoths and the Ostrogoths moved from a Greek-speaking area to a predominantly Latin-speaking area, where Latin was the language of literacy. Both the Visigoths and the Ostrogoths were Arian Christians. We have evidence of early Gothic biblical scholarship in the Skeireins, a commentary on the Gospel of John,18 and in the letter on biblical translation Jerome wrote to the Gothic scholars Sunnia and Fretila in the early fifth century.
This is corroborated by Salvian of Marseilles, a fifth-century Gallo-Roman priest originally from the vicinity of Trier who must have heard of, or perhaps even experienced, the arrival of the Goths in Gaul when he was a boy. In his De Gubernatione Dei, written c. Interim quia duo superius barbarorum genera uel sectas esse memorauimus, paganorum atque haereticorum Eadem, inquis, legunt illi quae leguntur a nobis.
Quomodo eadem, quae ab auctoribus quondam malis et male sunt interpolata et male tradita? Ac per hoc iam non eadem, quia non possunt penitus dici ipsa quae sunt in aliqua sui parte uitiata. Nos ergo tantum scripturas sacras plenas, inuiolatas, integras habemus, qui eas uel in fonte suo bibimus, uel certe de purissimo fonte haustas per ministerium purae translationis haurimus.
Nos tantummodo bene legimus. Ceterae quippe nationes aut non habent legem Dei, aut debilem et conuulneratam habent ; Nam et si qui gentium barbararum sunt qui in libris suis minus uideantur scripturam sacram interpolatam habere uel dilaceratam PL laceram , habent tamen ueterum magistrorum traditione corruptam Now I mentioned above that there are two groups, or sects, of barbarians ; pagans and heretics.
They [the heretics] read the same things, you say, that are read by us. But how can they be the same, when they were written in the first place by bad authors, and are badly interpolated and badly transmitted? Jeremiah F. It is only we who possess the holy scriptures full, inviolate and complete : for we either drink them at their very source, or at least as drawn from the purest source through the service of a pure translation. Only we read them correctly. As for other nations, these either do not possess the law or they possess it in a faulty and damaged form.
Even if there are some among the barbarian nations who among their books may seem to possess a sacred scripture that is less interpolated or torn apart, yet they still possess it [in a version] corrupted by the teaching of their masters in the past This quote, especially words like corrupta, convulnerata, debilis, dilacerata, interpolata, vitiata, and violata, shows that Salvian did not recognize the authority of the Gothic Bible because of its corruptions.
The corruptions Salvian is referring to concern interpolations and translation errors, but also textual emendations. In Salvian's eyes the Gothic Bible stood for Arianism and heresy, and it is likely that Salvian's definition of a textual corruption would include erroneous emendations, especially changes reflecting the Arian doctrine.
In short, Salvian rejects the Gothic Bible because the sacred text has been tampered with in a number of different ways. More likely he relied on the judgement of others or simply rejected it because of its Arian associations. The Bible in the early medieval West The situation of textual confusion described above persisted into the fifth and sixth centuries. Biblical scholars in sixthcentury Ostrogothic Italy were well aware of the corrupt textual tradition of the Bible. Cassiodorus c. In his Institutiones divinarum et humanarum lectionum c.
The Septuagint-based Vetus Latina remained the semi-official version of the Bible in the West for the next few centuries, with the Vulgate slowly gaining ground in the Carolingian period. Leslie Webber Jones New York, , 1. Roger A. Mynors Oxford, , pp. James W. The Gothic Bible did not fare much better. The extant manuscripts are all from the West and most of them are probably Ostrogothic.
Like the Greek and Latin Bible texts, the text of the Gothic Bible did not have a fixed or standardized text ; revising and emending was an ongoing process. On the possible Visigothic origins of some of the manuscripts, see : James W. Jordanes only mentions the fact that Ulfila taught the Goths to write c. Friedrichsen, Epistles, p. Friedrichsen's philological research has shown that the New Testament texts, which have come down to us, were emended, revised and corrected using the Vetus Latina and perhaps also some unidentified Western Greek text.
On the other hand precious little is left of the Gothic Bible. The paucity of manuscripts and the fact that most of them are palimpsests indicate that the Gothic Bible fell into disuse at a certain point in time. In the Visigothic kingdom Arian codices were burned after the Third Council of Toledo , when the Visigoths officially converted from Arianism to Catholicism.
This book burning would explain the lack of manuscripts from the Visigothic kingdom in Spain, because, as we saw above, the Gothic Bible would 29 It is hard to prove where and when the Gothic bilinguals were in use. We are on firmer ground in our speculations as to the possible age of bilingual copies. In Gaul and Spain they may have come into existence among the romanizing Visigoths from the beginning of their settlement under Athaulf since '' Friedrichsen, Epistles, p.
The Ostrogothic kingdom, too, did not offer the best chances of survival for manuscripts of the Gothic Bible. Ostrogothic rule came to an end in after a twenty years' war with the Byzantines had left the country in ruins ; shortly afterwards, in , large parts of Italy fell into the hands of the Lombards. Neither the Byzantines nor the Lombards would seem to have been especially interested in preserving Gothic manuscripts.
But interest in the Gothic Bible did not vanish completely : notes in a ninthor tenth-century Alcuin manuscript indicate that copies of the Gothic Bible were still circulating in the medieval West. To sum up, there were no standardized versions of the Bible in the late antique or early medieval period ; all versions, whether in Greek, Latin or in the vernacular, were regularly emended and revised, so that there were many variant readings. Although there is not much supSee : note Seventh-century historical evidence is given by Isidore of Sevilla.
Isidore explicitly mentions Ulfila's translation of both Bible books in c. Guido Donini and Gordon B. Ford Jr. Leiden, , pp. For the ninth century we have the testimony of Walafrid Strabo, abbot of Reichenau, who in c. This means that both the original and subsequent revisions of the Gothic Old Testament derived from the Septuagint, and that, where the Hebrew and the Greek text of Exodus differ, the Gothic Bible would have followed the Septuagint. We can now tackle the problem of the Gothic version of Exodus Exodus Quast eds.
See also : Wevers, Notes, pp. What version or versions of the Vetus Latina were available in the Gothic kingdoms and used for later revisions of the Gothic Bible is not a question which is easy to answer, because not many early Old Latin manuscripts of the Bible have come down to us, and still less which include Exodus In the past the Vetus Latina has been pieced together from the fragmentary manuscript evidence, and supplemented using quotes from Church Fathers, biblical commentaries, treatises, glosses, homilies etc.
The examples quoted below show that many versions of the Septuagint-based Vetus Latina version of Exodus Sabatier' s edition of the Vetus Latina is one of the oldest ; his edition is, however, now considered obsolete and unreliable. Si autem litigabunt duo viri, et percusserint mulierem in utero habentem, et exierit infans ejus nondum formatus : detrimentum patietur, quantum indixerit vir mulieris, et dabit cum postulatione.
Si autem formatum fuerit, dabit animam pro anima. Lucifer of Cagliari and Ambrosiaster, fourth-century commentators from the Mediterranean area, have provided us with the following Vetus Latina versions of Exodus 21 Lucifer Calaritanus Cagliari, Sardinia, c. Quodcumque aestimauerit uir mulieris dabit torische Klasse, 3. Sabatier's source is Augustinus, Quaestiones Exodi 80, cf. See also : note Quodsi deformatum fuerit, dabit animam pro anima Rufinus c. Quod si litigabunt duo viri et percusserint mulierem praegnantem, et exierit infans eius nondum formatus, detrimentum patietur, quantum indixerit vir mulieris, et dabit cum honore.
Quod si deformatus fuerit, dabit animam pro anima. See also : Sabatier, Bibliorum Sacrorum, p. Sabatier, Bibliorum Sacrorum, p. Friedrichsen, Epistles, pp. Willem Adolf Baehrens, Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, 29 Leipzig, , pp. The Liber de Divinis Scripturis sive Speculum is an anonymous, fifth-century tract on the Bible from North Africa or Spain, which has often, mistakenly, been ascribed to Augustine ; it presents us with yet another Septuagint-based variant version of Exodus 21 Augustine of Hippo, one of the most influential authors in the Middle Ages, gives an Old Latin version of Exodus 21 in his commentary on Exodus in the Quaestionum in Heptateuchum ; here Augustine takes a stand on abortion and explains that killing an unformed fetus cannot be murder, because the unformed fetus would not yet have been endowed with a soul.
Augustini, ed. Ayuso Marazuela favors a Spanish origin for this text and calls it Pseudo-Speculum. This version of Exodus See also : Noonan, Contraception, p. Augustine's views on abortion are discussed in : Daniel A. Teofilo Ayuso Marazuela's edition of the Vetus Latina Hispana not only contains Vetus Latina variants from indirect sources, such as the Church Fathers, but he also includes a number of ancient manuscripts of the Bible, among which a relatively early one from the sixth or seventh century, which is probably Spanish in origin, the Codex Lugdunensis.
This codex may very well have been in use in Visigothic Spain. Quod si rixati erint duo uiri, et percusserint mulierem conceptum habentem, et abortauerit inmaturum detrimentum patietur quodcumque aestimauerit uir mulieris dabit cum dignitate, quod si deformatum fuerit dabit animam pro anima.
The Vetus Latina versions of Exodus This is not to say that the Hebrew interpretation of Exodus Jerome's Vulgate translation was known and available, as Cassiodorus indicated in his Institutiones. Vulgate 4th-5th c. II, Quaestiones Exodi, quaestio 80, pp. Exodi, quaestio : 80, linea : The first is in the Liber qui appellatur Speculum, allegedly by Augustine, and the second was found in the Liber de Variis Quaestionibus, a seventh-century work by an anonymous author, called PseudoIsidorus, who was probably a contemporary of Isidorus Hispalensis c.
Liber qui appellatur Speculum 5th c. The edition used by the Cetedoc is : B. Fischer e. Stuttgart, According to the Cetedoc the text is from the 5th century ; the Cetedoc does not question Augustine's authorship. This text is part of a discussion of homicide that does not mention killing an unborn child. Augustine's authorship of this text is in my opinion debatable, because Augustine has explicit views on the development of the fetus which are not mentioned. Disregard for the fate of the fetus is consistent with the Hebrew interpretation of Exodus The text in the Liber qui appellatur Speculum is identical to the Vulgate text, and as we saw above, Augustine rejected the Vulgate version of the Old Testament.
Dombrowski cf. Dombrowski contends that Augustine's works. Pseudo-Isidorus Spain, 8th c. Si rixati fuerint viri et percusserit quis mulierem praegnantem et abortiuum quidem fecerit sed ipsa uixerit subiacebit damno quantum expetierit maritus mulieris et arbitri iudicarint sin autem mors eius fuerit subsecuta reddet animam pro anima. This indicates that different views on abortion existed side by side in the early medieval West, just as they do today.
The variant versions of Exodus Most of the textual variations in the various Septuagint versions are either on the word level or on the syntax level. Visigothic and Ostrogothic scholars were undoubtedly acquainted with a number of the above-mentioned Vetus Latina variants, if only because Latin was the language of literacy in are not inconsistent. Attribution of this text to Augustine would not be in keeping with his ideas on the subject.
This text is not in the Cetedoc database, nor in the Patrologia Latina database. Isidore's authorship is uncertain. The actual text of the Gothic version of Exodus However, Friedrichsen' s philological analyses of the Gothic Bible' s revisions and the textual evidence of the Vetus Latina suggest that it must have been very similar to the Latin Septuagint-based variants quoted above. There is one last bit of supportive evidence for the existence of a Gothic version of Exodus, and this takes us back to the Leges Visigothorum. Gothic secular law on abortion : the antiquae Roman citizens in the western Roman Empire continued to live by Roman law, even after they became subject to Germanic rule ; the Germanic tribes had their own laws which had been transmitted orally for generations.
It is a condensed version of the Codex Theodosianus, and also includes selections from other Roman legal sources. It was probably intended as a diplomatic confirmation of the status quo to appease the Romans living in the Visigothic kingdom. Roman officials undoubtedly also assisted the Goths with the compilation of the Edictum Theoderici and the Leges Visigothorum. The Leges Visigothorum contain the laws of the Germanic Visigoths, whereas the early sixth-century Edictum Theoderici is a Roman law code intended for all of the Ostrogothic king Theoderic's subjects, Goths as well as Italo-Romans.
Much of the Edictum Theoderici was also derived from the Codex Theodosianus. Neither of the Roman laws promulgated by Gothic kings includes a law on abortion. Ob quae omnia facinora in honestiores poena capitis vindicari placuit, humiliores vero aut in crucem tolluntur aut bestiis obiciuntur. Interpretatione non eget, Vanzetti, Pauli Sententiae, p. However, causing the death of a fetus is not punished. Like the Hebrew version of Exodus See, for instance : Soranus, Soranus' Gynecology, trans. Owsei Temkin ; rpr. Baltimore, , pp. Many of the recipes for abortifacients contain substances we would label as poisons.
Alan Watson Philadelphia, , vol. See also : note 6. There are at least four or five kings to chose from as authors of the Visigothic antiquae on abortion : Euric, Leovigild, Reccared I, and perhaps also Alaric II, or the Ostrogothic king Theoderic who was joint ruler over the Ostrogothic and Visigothic kingdoms after Alaric II's death in The extant fragments of Euric's Codex Euricianus are all concerned with transactions, and despite Zeumer's reconstruction of two Eurician laws on abortion Zeumer, Leges Visigothorum, p.
The law code issued by Theoderic for the Ostrogoths, the Edictum Theoderici, is a compendium of Roman law and does not have a law on abortion, which makes it hard to imagine Theoderic issuing a separate law on abortion for the Visigoths, and not for the Ostrogoths. It is similarly hard to imagine Reccared I as the author of the Visigothic antiquae on abortion, because Visigothic secular law would then clash with the harsh canon on abortion promulgated at the Council of Toledo III under Reccared's auspices, which even explicitly mentioned his name.
If we look at Spanish conciliar legislation there would seem to be a period of relative tolerance of abortion between the Council of Lerida and the Council of Braga II The Although this Visigothic law is harsher than the Roman Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis, because it imposes the death penalty for poisoning regardless of the outcome, it closely resembles the LCSV in its prohibition of the use of drugs considered detrimental to a woman's health.
De his, qui potionem ad aborsum dederint. Si quis mulieri pregnanti potionem ad avorsum aut pro necando infante dederit, occidatur ; et mulier, que potionem ad aborsum facere quesibit, si ancilla est, CC flagella suscipiat, si ingenua est, careat dignitate persone et cui iusserimus servitura tradatur. Concerning those who give a potion to induce abortion. If anyone gives a potion to a pregnant woman to induce abortion and for the purpose of killing a[n unborn] child, let this person be put to death ; and let the woman who asked [this person] to concoct the potion for abortion, if she is a slave, receive lashes ; if she is a free woman, let her be deprived of the dignity of a persona and be handed over as a slave to whom we order.
It antiquae would then have been issued before Toledo III. Leovigild might therefore be a better candidate for their authorship, even though the penance for abortion was changed back to 10 years in the council Braga II held during his reign. A woman who wishes to endanger her life and that of her unborn child is punished with loss of freedom ; if she is a slave the punishment is lashes.
Although a woman who wishes to have an abortion is not punished with the death penalty, the prospect of enslavement was probably intended as a deterrent for a free woman contemplating the use of an abortifacient to terminate her pregnancy. The following five Visigothic articles, LV 6. The second part of LV 6. Note, however, that the Septuagint punishes killing a formed fetus as homicide, whereas Visigothic law punishes killing an unborn child as a serious injury to the mother ; it is not labelled as homicide.
See : The Visigothic injury tariffs in the title on wounds LV 6. The Visigothic antiquae on abortion show us that the compilers of these laws were familiar with the Roman Lex Cornelia de Sicariis et Veneficis and with the Septuagint version of Exodus The Septuagint and LV 6. Elvira c. De uxoribus quae filios ex adulterio necant.
If a woman, during the absence of her husband, conceives [a child] in adultery, and kills it after the crime, it is so ordained that she may not even receive communion at the end of her life, because she has committed a double crime. De mulieribus, quae fornicantur et partus suos necant, sed et de his quae agunt secum ut utero conceptos excutiant, antiqua quidem 60 Visigothic Spain have canons on abortion. By an ancient law they are excluded from the church excommunicated until the end of their lives. We, however, have decided to soften their punishment, and condemned them to do penance during a period of ten years.
Turner gives four slightly different Latin versions of this canon ; see : Cuthbert Hamilton Turner ed. Oxford, , vol. De his qui aborsum faciunt vel natos suos extingunt. Hii vero qui male conceptos ex adulterio factos vel editos necare studuerint, vel in uteri matrum potionibus aliquibus conliserint, in utroque sexu adulteris post septem annorum curricula conmunio tribuatur, ita tamen ut omni tempore vitae suae fletibus et humilitati insistant, officium eis ministrandi recuperare non liceat ; adtamen in choro psallentium a tempore recepta[e] conmunionis intersint. De aquellos que procuran el aborto o dan muerte a sus hijos.
The Council of Lerida was held during the interregnum when the Ostrogothic king Theoderic ruled the Visigothic kingdom De las mujeres pecadoras que comenten. In the Middle Ages conciliar legislation was transmitted through the so-called Collectiones Canonum ; these collections of canon law were widely disseminated and are important sources of canon law. Braga II was held during the reign of Leovigild This is remarkable, because this distinction is found in the Septuagint, and the Septuagint-based version of Exodus Apparently, there were two different views on abortion.
One that condemns abortion regardless of the stage of development of the fetus, a standpoint that is reflected in the conciliar legislation discussed above, and another that distinguishes between early term and late term abortion and stipulates a milder punishment for early-term abortion.
See also : Turner, Ecclesiae occidentalis monumenta iuris antiquissima, vol. Most of the penitentials punish abortion regardless of the stage of development of the fetus. The Paenitentiale Theodori and its derivatives, however, distinguish between an abortion antequam animam habeat and an abortion postquam animam habeat or ante XL dies - post XL dies.
Jahrhunderts, 1 Weimar, , pp. Gamer eds. Germanus Morin, 2 vols. CCSL Turnhout, , pp. The secular Visigothic laws reflect both views on abortion. Chindasvind's law can be characterized as a Caesarian sermon in legal guise. Flavius Chindasvindus Rex. De his, qui filios suos aut natos aut in utero necant.
Nihil est eorum pravitate deterius, qui, pietatis inmemores, filiorum suorum necatores existunt. Quorum quia vitium per provincias regni nostri sic inolevisse narratur, ut tam viri quam femine sceleris huius auctores esse repperiantur, ideo hanc licentiam proibentes decernimus, ut, seu libera seu ancilla natum filium filiamve necaverit, sive adhuc in utero habens, aut potionem ad avorsum acceperit, aut alio quocumque modo extinguere partum suum presumserit, mox provincie iudex aut territorii talem factum reppererit, non solum operatricem criminis huius publica morte condemnet, aut si vite reservare voluerit, omnem visionem oculorum eius non moretur extinguere, sed etiam si maritum eius talia iussisse vel permisisse patuerit, eundem etiam vindicte simili subdere non recuset.
Zeumer, Leges Visigothorum, p. King Chindasvind. Concerning those who kill their own children, either already having been born or in utero. There is nothing worse than the depravity of those who, disregarding piety, become murderers of their own children. In as much as it is said that the crime of these has grown to such a degree throughout the provinces of our land that men as well as women are found to be the performers of this heinous action, we therefore, forbidding this dissoluteness, decree that, if a free woman or a female slave murders a son or a daughter which has been born, or, while having it still in utero, either takes a potion to induce abortion, or by any other means whatsoever presumes to destroy her own fetus, after the judge of the province or of the territory learns of such a deed, let him not only sentence the performer of this crime to public execution, or if he wishes to preserve her life, let him not hesitate to destroy the vision of her eyes, but also, if it is evident that the woman's husband ordered or permitted such things, let him not be reluctant to subject the same 71 Abortion must have been an important issue to the Germanic Visigoths for them to promulgate laws on abortion in the fifth and sixth centuries that were not consistent with and milder than current Church law.
It is significant that Chindasvind's mid-seventh-century law LV 6. This implies that LV 6. This in turn suggests that the Septuagint-based version of Exodus The use of legal terms such as ingenuus and ingenua and the addition of clauses such as et exinde mortua fuerit, pro homicidio puniatur, and si autem tantumodo partus excutiatur, et mulier in nullo debilitata fuerit show the legal mind at work, defining every possible contingency.
Another important difference between the two texts is the punishment. The fines, or solidi, indicate that causing a woman to miscarry is considered a serious crime, but not as serious as murder. The Septuagint does not explicitly mention what to do if the mother dies, or if she sustains serious injuries ; Gothic law, on the other hand, like Hebrew law, explicitly states that homicide must be punished accordingly, pro homicidio puniatur.
Furthermore, LV 6. There is, however, the distinct possibility that some of the variants might have been taken directly from the Gothic version of Exodus It is almost inconceivable that the resemblance between the Septuagint-based Vetus Latina version of Exodus As explained above, the Septuagint version of Exodus The link between the Septuagint-based Gothic Old Testament and the Vetus Latina had already been made in the form of the Gothic-Latin bilingual versions of the Bible which must have been in use in both Gothic kingdoms ; besides, the Gothic text was regularly accommodated to the Vetus Latina text.
It is obvious that Visigothic lawyers introduced the distinction formatus - informatus deliberately, perhaps at the instigation of the king or one of his clerical advisors. But why?
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The compilation of the antiquae on abortion must be situated somewhere in the early or mid-sixth century under a Visigothic king who had the courage to issue pragmatic and rela-. It may even have been compiled at the same time as the Breviarium Alarici. But this is not enough to explain the introduction of a new concept in secular law which would involve differentiating between early-term and late-term abortion, and probably cause conflicts with the Gallo- and Hispano-Roman bishops and their clergy. I can think of only one reason why the Goths would include a passage on the stages of development of the fetus in their secular laws on abortion, and that is because to the Goths this was not an innovation, but simply part of their customary law on abortion.
By this I mean that the Goths looked upon their Gothic Bible as a law book on a par with other collections of law, whether oral or written, and that they did not distinguish between secular and religious law as we do. Centuries later, the West Saxon king Alfred c. This means that Visigothic secular law on abortion must have closely followed the Gothic version of See also : note Saale, , pp.
As we saw above, when comparing the Septuagint-based Vetus Latina versions of Exodus It is evident that LV 6. In this paper I have tried to show that it is very likely that the Goths' own Bible was also one of the sources used for their secular law on abortion. If this is true, Visigothic law, especially LV 6. Leges Visigothorum Antiqua a Si quis mulierem gravi6. Summary Although there is no extant version of the Gothic Bible book Exodus, this paper argues that Visigothic secular law provides textual and conceptual evidence for the existence of a Gothic translation of Exodus based on the Greek Septuagint version of the Old Testament, because Visigothic law on abortion LV 6.
Arianism would then be the missing link. Amand [E. Gain, P. Barret-Kriegel, Les histoires et la monarchie. Quadrige, , p. X, fasc. Wilhelm et U. Notes de H. II, , p. Oury supra, n. Hurel et R. Voir aussi D. Parisinus Lat. Bernard de Montfaucon et les Bernardins, , t. I, Paris , p. XI, 2 , col. Athanase et de S. Les t. Bury et B. Meunier Actes du colloque de Lyon, oct. VII, Berlin , c. Sonnius en , 2 vol. C'est peu probable. Comme p. Bardenhewer, Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur, Bd. III, col. Tomus [primus, sextus] Lugduni et Parisiis veneunt apud R.
Cote B. Biographie Nationale de Belgique, t. Enfin Cl. En effet il n' est que de consulter H. Il est possible que les deux manuscrits connus de Cl. Martin soient le Coislinianus 45 s. II, p. Leclercq Mabillon, t. II, Paris , p. Athanase sortie des presses, au printemps Le travail de critique textuelle s'enrichit de l'apport des anciennes versions latines, par exemple celle de la Vie d'Antoine d'Athanase.
La collection du ms. Laurentianus San Marco Le III, Paris , p. Schmitz, art. Athanasii Opera omnia, t. Schmitz art. Athanase en parle Baluze, Athanase, I, p. Durban : Athanase, I, p. Estiennot : Athanase, I, p. Groddeck : Athanase, I, p. Guillot : Athanase, I, p. Lequien : Athanase, II, fol. Martin : Athanase, I, p. Mill : Athanase, I, p. Muratori : Athanase, I, p. Renaudot : Athanase, I, p. Toinard : Athanase, II, fol. La carte se trouve au t. Montfaucon note vers la fin du Diarium Italicum [ Voir P.
Nebbiai-Dalla Guarda et J. Genest, Turnhout Bibliologia [ En , alors que l' impression du t. Athanase de titulis Psalmorum, imparfait ; un grand nombre de fragments de S. Galliano, Dom B. Epistula et Historia arianorum ad monachos. Surtout s'il s'agit bien de S.
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XV , col. Voir sur ce dossier nos Traductions latines op. Il y reviendra v. Voir aussi H. Opitz op. Ainsi l'importance du Laur. San Marco s. This paper addresses three problems in the early career of Athanasius of Alexandria The first concerns Apologia Secunda I will show that the text does not offer any evidence to date this fact. The second part argues that the synod of Antioch of ca. The third part reconsiders the numerous Antiochene synods allegedly convened in by the Eusebians to counter Athanasius' return to his see after his first exile cf.
Apologia Secunda I argue that only a council that was held early in to ordain Gregory bishop of Alexandria, and the Dedication council of January are securely attested. Barnes, Athanasius and Constantius, Cambridge Mass. But in the council of Nicea, while the heresy was anathematised, and the Arians were cast out, the Melitians on whatever grounds were received ; for it is not necessary now to mention the reason. But five months had not yet passed, and the blessed Alexander died ; the Melitians, who ought to have remained quiet and to have been grateful that they had been received back at all, like dogs unable to forget their vomit cf.
At first sight, Athanasius seems to be saying that his predecessor Alexander died five months after the synod of Nicea summer As the death of Alexander is securely dated to 17 April ,3 this is certainly wrong. After a seminal study by Otto Seeck in ,4 scholars have in general taken this error as a sign that Athanasius meant something else than he seems to. According to Seeck, the five months refer to a second session of the council of Nicea, held in November , during which the Melitians were reintegrated in the church and Arius was re-accepted.
The hypothesis of a second session has been widely discussed, sometimes rejected and often re2 Athanasius, Apologia Secunda Robertson, Nicene and PostNicene Fathers, slightly adapted. The council was held, so they presume, in order to put an end to the Melitian schism and to reaccept Arius and Euzoius. Other scholars take this passage not as a reference to the Nachsynode of Nicea, which treated also the question of Arius' return, but only to the reintegration of the Melitians in the Egyptian church. Only five months before the death of Alexander, Melitius would have complied with the decisions of Nicea and offered a list of his adherents to Alexander, so that they could be reintegrated in the hierarchy.
Barnes, Athanasius op. The Arian Controversy , Edinburgh , ; L. Series 23 : Theology, , II, Paris, , n. Martin, Athanase op. For a discussion of this date, see also H. The passage does not, however, offer support for any of these hypotheses, as an analysis of the text will show. This interpretation is confirmed by an almost identical passage in the church history of Sozomen ca.
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For earlier work on this collection see W. When Alexander returned to Egypt, Melitius delivered up to him the churches whose government he had unlawfully usurped, and returned to Lycopolis. Not long after, finding his end approaching, he nominated John, one of his most intimate friends, as his successor, contrary to the decree of the Nicene Council, and thus he became anew cause of discord for the churches. As this parallel with Sozomen shows, Athanasius only gives an account of the decisions of Nicea, singling out that the Arians were condemned and the Melitians re-accepted on some conditions.
As a consequence, one cannot argue that Athanasius conflated two different episodes, one belonging to the condemnation of Arius and another belonging to the reintegration of Melitius. His death was the starting-point for the Melitians to dispute the modus vivendi that was decreed by Nicea. As a matter of fact, it permits only one interpretation, obviously in contradiction with firm established facts : five months separated Nicea from the death of Alexander. Although it is clearly a mistake, this is what some readers of Athanasius understood. The church historian Theodoretus ca.
Zenos, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. This is the interpretation of T. Other authors also situate the death of Alexander immediately after the council of Nicea. The Continuatio Eusebii Antiochiensis, a continuation of Eusebius' chronicle up to reconstructed by R. Burgess, puts the council of Nicea in and the death of Alexander in the next year.
This fact, of course, does not explain it, but it allows us at least to see that another interpretation than an error is not necessarily wanted. This is not the case. I will not discuss here the evidence for the so-called Nachsynode of Nicea, supposed to be held late in or early in The best discussion to date is that of K. Lorenz, who meticulously demonstrated that the evidence traditionally adduced for it is slight and contradictory.
It is not impossible that Socrates used Athanasius, Apologia Secunda See also P. One must note, for example, that the council held after Nicea to discuss some Egyptian problems, according to Eusebius, Vita Constantini 3. Constantine participated in the first, but not in the second. Moreover, none of these sources mention that Arius was re-accepted during one of these councils, as the Nachsynode of Nicea supposedly did. Jerome, Dialogus adversus Luciferianos , who seems to suggest that Arius and Euzoios were already re-accepted in Nicea, is too muddled to allow any conclusions at all, as shown by M.
Identifying all these different episodes seems methodologically unsound. Other scholars, like Annik Martin, have advanced arguments against the existence of the Nachsynode. Since we have shown that this passage does not allude to another council than Nicea, this dating is purely hypothetical. If one accepts a later date for the Nachsynode, early , Apologia secunda This implies that there is no external evidence to date the supposed Nachsynode.
According to the other interpretation, the five months would refer to the period between the compliance of the Melitians with the decisions of Nicea and the death of Alexander. See also C. This approach was critized by A. Triantaphyllopoulos, Athens , On this catalogue, see H. Van Deun ed. Miscellanea in honorem Caroli Laga septuagenarii, Louvain, Orientalia. Contrary to what is often said, Apologia Secunda As a matter of fact, the passage of Sozomen, as I have said probably based upon Alexandrine sources20, points to an early date for the remittal of the Melitian churches to Alexander.
The most natural interpretation of this sentence is that Melitius transferred the churches to Alexander as soon as the latter returned to Egypt. Alexander probably did so soon after the end of the council, so the transfer of the churches is most likely to be put in the autumn of Although not impossible, it remains a very unlikely interpretation of the text.
If Sozomen's evidence is dismissed, there is no indication at all concerning the date of Melitius' compliance with the decisions of Nicea. In that case it can only be dated between the council of Nicea summer and the death of Alexander 17 April Other events related to the Melitians in this period do not help us very much. Sozomen writes that shortly after the council of Nicea, Melitius, feeling his death approaching, designated John Arkhaph as his successor at the head of the Melitians.
This caused a new round of animosity with the official Egyptian church. A Reassessment', Ancient Society, 30 , Epiphanius, Panarion He also announced the arbitration through a letter, and to ratify the decrees of the council he set a seal upon them. Two options are left. I can accept Sozomen's evidence and date the remittal of the Melitian churches in autumn-winter If we do not, we can only date the event between summer and 17 April At any rate, there is no reason to claim that it happened towards the end of and to venture into speculations concerning the reasons of the supposed delay.
Conclusion Athanasius, Apologia Secunda Probably Athanasius committed an error for some unknown reason, although it should be stressed that this error is not unique and also found in other independent sources like Epiphanius of Salamis and the Continuatio Antiochiensis Eusebii. As a consequence, this passage does not offer independent evidence for the supposed so-called second session of Nicene council in Neither does it give a date for the remittal of the Melitian churches by Melitius to Alexander, mostly dated in autumn-winter Drawing on a passage of Sozomen, we have shown that Melitius probably gave his list of churches to Alexander soon after the council of Nicea, in the autumn of Maybe this passage should be connected with the letter of Constantine to John, copied by Athanasius, Apologia Secunda Dalmatius' court in Antioch ca.
Athanasius' enemies accused him several times before the emperor. After a first acquittal at a hearing in Psamathia end of early , Athanasius was convoked for a trial in Antioch before the censor Dalmatius on the accusation of having killed the bishop Arsenius.
The only source for this event is Athanasius, Apologia Secunda , as the church historian Socrates merely summarises what the bishop of Alexandria wrote. Dalmatius would not have been bound by their advice, but he would felt obliged to follow it. Opitz, Athanasius Werke.